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毛澤東選集 論持久戰



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毛澤東選集 抗日游擊戰爭的戰略問題




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毛澤東選集 中國革命戰爭的戰略問題



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European Union Committee 7th Report of Session 2009-10

 

 

 

 

Download link:  http://www.parliament.the-stationery-office.co.uk/pa/ld200910/ldselect/ldeucom/76/76i.pdf

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標題: Don't Break the Engagement.

作者: Economy, Elizabeth, Foreign Affairs, 00157120, May/Jun2004, 83, 刊號 3



Don't Break the Engagement



 

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for downloading

 

 

 

STAYING THE COURSE ON CHINA

AFTER ALMOST three years of calm, the American debate over China policy is set to heat up again. Like Bill Clinton, George W. Bush came into office pushing for a tougher approach to Beijing. And like his predecessor, Bush soon changed his tune. But if the Clinton administration's shift reflected a deep-rooted embrace of the logic of engagement, the Bush administration's shift has appeared more tactical, reflecting a realist appreciation for alliances of convenience during times of crisis. Now that the initial and most urgent phases of the war on terrorism have passed, China policy is likely to find its way back onto the agenda of hard-liners who consider the country a strategic competitor. They are likely to be joined by those who think that tough talk about trade deficits and China's human rights violations makes for good campaign politics. With the bilateral trade deficit now at $120 billion, Beijing's reported backsliding on human rights, and its heavy-handed diplomacy with Hong Kong and Taiwan, 2004 could be a banner year for the critics of engagement. Yet a return to China bashing and to a strategy of containment would be a mistake. The past 30 years have demonstrated that engagement works--if not exactly in the way its advocates predicted

 

 

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標題: China's Search for Stability With America.

作者: Wang Jisi, Foreign Affairs, 00157120, Sep/Oct2005, 84, 刊號 5

 

China's Search for Stability With America



 

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AFTER 9/11


THE UNITED STATES is currently the only country with the capacity and the ambition to exercise global primacy, and it will remain so for a long time to come. This means that the United States is the country that can exert the greatest strategic pressure on China. Although in recent years Beijing has refrained from identifying Washington as an adversary or criticizing its "hegemonism"--a pejorative Chinese code word for U.S. dominance--many Chinese still view the United States as a major threat to their nation's security and domestic stability.

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標題: China's New Diplomacy.
作者: Medeiros, Evan S., Fravel, M. Taylor, Foreign Affairs, 00157120, Nov/Dec2003, 82, 刊號

6

China's New Diplomacy

 

 

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VICTIM NO MORE

 

 

THIS SUMMER, as the nuclear crisis in North Korea intensified, most eyes were focused on the adversaries in Washington and Pyongyang.

Less noticed, but no less important, was the role of a third player: Beijing. China, long reticent on matters of foreign policy, had boldly stepped into the fray, suspending crucial oil shipments to North Korea, sending high-level envoys to Pyongyang, and shifting troops around the Sino-Korean border. It was China that arranged the tripartite talks held in Beijing in April. And China has not let up the pressure since.

 

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標題: China Takes Off.

作者: Hale, David, Hughes Hale, Lyric, Foreign Affairs, 00157120, Nov/Dec2003, 82, 刊號 6

HTML 全文

 

 

China Takes Off

 

CHINA'S ECONOMIC EXPLOSION

 

FEW NATIONS have changed as fast--or as dramatically--as China has since the 1970s. The world's most populous nation has radically liberalized its economy and gone from producing low-quality and simple exports to sophisticated high-technology goods, while nurturing a vibrant private sector and attracting nearly $500 billion in foreign direct investment (FDI). The country has turned into a formidable exporting machine: China's total exports grew eightfold--to over $380 billion--between 1990 and 2003; and its exports in the electronics industry now account for 30 percent of Asia's total in that sector. China's share of global exports will reach 6 percent in 2003, compared to 3.9 percent in 2000. Last year, China accounted for 16 percent of the growth in the world economy, ranking second only to the United States.

 

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標題: The New New World Order.

作者: Drezner, Daniel W., Foreign Affairs, 00157120, Mar/Apr2007, 86, 刊號 2HTML 全文

 

The New New World Order

 

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RISING AND FALLING

 

THROUGHOUT THE twentieth century, the list of the world's great powers was predictably short: the United States, the Soviet Union, Japan, and northwestern Europe. The twenty-first century will be different. China and India are emerging as economic and political heavyweights: China holds over a trillion dollars in hard currency reserves, India's high-tech sector is growing by leaps and bounds, and both countries, already recognized nuclear powers, are developing blue-water navies. The National Intelligence Council, a U.S. government think tank, projects that by 2025, China and India will have the world's second- and fourth-largest economies, respectively. Such growth is opening the way for a multipolar era in world politics.

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TABLE MANNERS

Suggestions to My College Students

Chong-Pin Lin 林中斌

Revision: December 13, 2008  (Original: September 30, 2005)

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Trouble in Taiwan.

Swaine, Michael D.

 


Foreign Affairs; Mar/Apr2004, Vol. 83 Issue 2, p39-49, 11p, 1 bw


STRAIT TALK

 

      ON DECEMBER 9, 2003, in the presence of visiting Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, President George W. Bush broke significant new ground in

      U.S. relations with China and Taiwan. Having pledged in April 200l to do "whatever it takes" to help Taiwan defend itself, Bush changed tack, reaffirming U.S. support for maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. Of even greater significance, he rebuked Taiwan's president, Chen Shui-bian, stating that "the comments and actions made by the leader of Taiwan indicate that he may be willing to make decisions unilaterally to change the status quo, which we oppose."

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"9·11"事件后的国际形勢和中美關係



錢其琛 外交學院學報 2002卷第3pp.1-6


    一年前,美国发生了"9·11"事件。这标志着恐怖主义已经成为美国最大的威胁,也成为人类安全的重大威胁。一些国家拥有强大的武力,可以应付高科技的战争,但恐怖分子却运用最简单的手段造成巨大灾难。对这种威胁,无论是导弹还是导弹防御系统都无济于事。
  
    冷战结束以来,美国政府一直在讨论冷战后的主要敌人在哪里的问题。
"9·11"事件之后,这个问题明朗了。敌人不是远在天边,而是在家门口,甚至就在萧墙之内。这就引起人们安全观念的变化。正是在这种背景下,今年以来,大国关系缓和趋势明显。以美俄、俄-北约关系调整及中美关系的改善为标志,主要大国间形成了大战要避免、和平需维持的共识,并尝试进行新的对话与合作,以对付新的挑战。

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陳水扁政府的大陸政策與大陸的因應之道



 

丁松泉 聯合早報 20020315


     2000318,台灣民主進步黨"總統"候選人陳水扁在台灣"總統"大選中,戰勝執政的國民黨"總統"候選人連戰和親民黨"總統"候選人宋楚渝,當選台灣"總統"。這次選舉,不僅使長期執政的國民黨淪為在野黨,從而按照民主方式順利地實現了政權更替,引人注目。

    更值得關注的是,在台灣海峽兩岸因為李登輝于
19997月提出"兩國論"而處于僵持狀態的情況下,主張"台獨"的民進黨和抱持"台獨"理念、曾高呼"台灣獨立萬歲""總統"候選人上台執政,這無疑使台海兩岸的關系面臨前所未有的考驗。陳水扁外受到北京"不放棄使用武力""一個中國原則"的巨大壓力,內又面臨朝野和民眾統獨理念明顯分化、又有前"總統"李登輝"兩國論"的制約與推動。

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China's Charm Offensive


Joshua Kurlantzick
COMMENTARY OCTOBER 2006
                  Carnegie Endowment Policy Brief NO.47, June 2006

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China's Space Odyssey: What


the Antisatellite Test Reveals


About Decision-Making in


Beijing




http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/62602/bates-gill-and-martin-kleiber/chinas-space-odyssey-what-the-antisatellite-test-reveals-about-d


by
Bates Gill and Martin Kleiber

 Since China's destruction of one of its weather satellites with a ballistic missile this past January, experts around the world have puzzled over the move's purpose. One widespread view is that the antisatellite (ASAT) test was a shot across the bow of U.S. military power. Beijing's strategists have argued for years that it needs to develop asymmetric capabilities in order to close the widening gap between the United States' military might and China's own and prepare for a possible conflict in the Taiwan Strait. With the United States now depending so heavily on assets in space for real-time communications, battlefield awareness, weapons targeting, intelligence gathering, and reconnaissance, the Chinese rocket launch may have been an attempt to show Washington how Beijing can overcome its handicap in a relatively simple way.

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Sino–US and Cross-Strait



Relations under


the Post-‘11 September’ Strategic Settings


       JIEMIAN YANG*

(* Jiemian Yang is a Senior Fellow and Vice President of the Shanghai Institute for International Studies)

Download from
http://irchina.org/en/xueren/china/pdf/yjm5.pdf

    Sino–US relations and cross-Strait relations are always interrelated and so is the US policy towards cross-Strait relations. The United States has taken its global strategic and fundamental national interests as points of departure. The Bush Administration has undergone a cycle of being tough towards China and titling towards Taiwan Ž rst and then readjusting towards the middle ground. There are many reasons to explain this change and
the events of 11 September stand out very prominently. This change once again proves that once the US put strategic consideration Ž rst it will take all the necessary steps to ensure that the Taiwan issue should not be a damaging and/or diverting factor. However, there still exist fundamental differences over the Taiwan issue and the Bush Administration’s
military-to-military relations with and arms sales to Taiwan are matters of great concern
.

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如果讓我重做一次研究生


王汎森院士
中央研究院歷史語言研究所
花蓮教育大學國民教育研究所演講2005.10.29

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