From Diva to Movie Star at 90

Anthony Tommasini New York Times, December 22, 2017

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/22/arts/music/leontyne-price-met-opera.html

accessed December 22, 2017

●美國著名黑人歌劇女高音Leontyne PriceMarian Anderson的傳人

Marian Anderson是首位進入卡內基演奏廳的黑人演唱家

●今年Leontyne PriceMetropolitan Opera House首演名作曲家Samuel Barber為他寫的歌劇“Antony and Cleopatra”(埃及豔后)

Leontyne Price今年90歲

林中斌摘譯 2017.12.29

 

  COLUMBIA, Md. — The soprano Leontyne Price, who retired from singing 20 years ago, assumed that the triumphs of her illustrious career were behind her. Not so. At 90, Ms. Price has become an unlikely movie star.

  She may not quite be in line for a spot on the Hollywood Walk of Fame. But again and again, Ms. Price steals Susan Froemke’s new documentary, “The Opera House,” which tells the complex, tense saga of the building and inauguration, in 1966, of the Metropolitan Opera House at Lincoln Center.

  The “New Met” opened with the lavish premiere of Samuel Barber’s “Antony and Cleopatra,” tailored to Ms. Price’s radiant voice and prima donna grandeur. And she dominates the documentary, both in footage from the ’60s and in interview segments filmed just before her 90th birthday, in which Ms. Price recounts the opening night with impressive detail and droll humor, along with charming (and amply justified) self-regard.

  “I really sang like an angel,” she recalls at one point. “You just want to kiss yourself, you sound so great.”

  These delightful sequences make the movie: In an interview earlier this year about her documentary, Ms. Froemke said that when her interview with Ms. Price ended, she was so elated that she texted her colleagues: “We have a film now.”

  But does Ms. Price like the results?

  “Are you kidding?” Ms. Price said during a December interview in the homey apartment here, where she has lived for several years. “I’m having it put in my casket. It was so exciting for me to go back and remember all the things that happened that night.”

  She said she considers the Met “the temple of grand opera,” so “to be there from the very beginning was a very great honor.”

 

  On opening night, Ms. Price recalled in the interview, she was swept up in thoughts about the unlikely path she had traveled, from her birth to humble parents in a small Mississippi town in the segregated South — her mother was a midwife and her father worked in a sawmill — to her momentous Met debut in 1961 singing Leonora in Verdi’s “Il Trovatore,” to the 1966 theater opening in a made-to-order grand opera.

  “It left me speechless,” she said.

  Actually, in the film — which will be screened next month across Canada and the United States, including at the Walter Reade Theater at Lincoln Center and several others in New York on Jan. 13 and 17 — Ms. Price hardly comes across as speechless. She volubly recounts the mishaps that plagued Franco Zeffirelli’s monumental staging. And she was anything but searching for words during our recent interview, greeting me at the door with a diva-style vocal flourish.

  She sings every day, she said proudly. “It’s practically the only thing in me that still works,” she added — at least without Bengay, athletic creams or Emu oil.

  Ms. Price moved from New York to Maryland at the urging of her younger brother, George B. Price, a retired Army general whose large family lives mostly in the region. Mr. Price became his sister’s manager after she retired from opera in 1985, singing a final Met performance of Verdi’s “Aida,” and began a final phase of concert work, which lasted 12 years.

  “I’m doing so good here, thanks to my brother and the kids,” she said. “I didn’t think I could be this happy without singing, without being center stage.”

  She certainly relished her time in the spotlight. On opening night in 1966, Rudolf Bing, the Met’s general manager, came backstage to wish her good luck.

  “I told him, ‘I’m about to scream — not sing — to scream with happiness,’” Ms. Price recalled. That afternoon, she had learned that radio stations in and around her hometown, Laurel, Miss., had been linked into the Met’s radio network and would carry “Antony and Cleopatra” live.

  This represented a titanic shift from a painful event a decade earlier. NBC Opera Theater, a TV series that broadcast live opera stagings, had chosen Ms. Price to sing the title role of Puccini’s “Tosca” in 1955. This was “a breakthrough for me,” she said, before adding, almost as an aside, “My state didn’t carry it.” Indeed, many NBC affiliates in the South refused to show a program featuring a black Tosca and her white lover.

  But racism was a reality for her from birth. When she was 9, her mother, celebrated for her singing in church, took the young Leontyne on a bus trip to Jackson, Miss., to hear the great contralto Marian Anderson in recital.

  “She came out in a white satin gown, so majestic,” Ms. Price said. “And opened her mouth, and I thought, ‘This is it, mama. This is what I’m going to be.’”

  Even though it was a concert by a distinguished black artist, the hall was segregated; Ms. Price and her mother sat in the “colored” section. Though just a child, she said she put this irony out of her mind. But even as Ms. Price argued that art “has no color,” she acknowledged that artists, of course, have origins and identities.

  “One of the things about this extraordinary instrument that I have is the blackness in it, the natural flavor,” Ms. Price said. “It’s something extra.”

  And something particularly appropriate, she added, when singing spirituals, which she called “black heartbeat music.” She speaks and sings with a Southern accent, she said, which gave her spirituals “even more of me.”

  Barber, like so many, was captivated by her. At the recommendation of Florence Page Kimball, Ms. Price’s beloved voice teacher at the Juilliard School, he chose the young soprano, then 26, to give the premiere of his “Hermit Songs” in 1953. He wrote Cleopatra “for the timbre, the shadings — everything about my voice, which is not too shabby, actually,” Ms. Price said.

  She still won’t hear a word against “Antony and Cleopatra,” though she knows how tough the initial reviews were. Most critics acknowledged the score’s beautiful moments, especially Cleopatra’s death scene, in which the character’s plaintive lyrical lines are capped by a chilling choral threnody. Still, whole stretches of the opera came across as splashy and grandiose, an impression reinforced by Mr. Zeffirelli’s overblown production. Barber revised the score significantly for a 1975 revival at Juilliard and that version has been slowly gaining attention.

  He also adapted a concert suite of Cleopatra’s arias for Ms. Price. “I sang it all over the world, and I sang the hell out of it,” Ms. Price said. “I don’t think the opera was a failure. Finally — not totally — in time, Sam accepted that it’s great music.”

  She hopes the film will call attention to the Met and Barber’s opera, and to his works more generally.

  She spoke at length about his “Knoxville: Summer of 1915” for voice and orchestra, a wistfully beautiful musical setting of a James Agee text, with its description of a child’s memories of an evening at home. (“On the rough wet grass of the backyard my father and mother have spread quilts.”)

  That poem “is like painting a picture of my hometown,” Ms. Price said, “and that’s the way I sang it.”

  She recorded it in the summer of 1968, after the death of her father. While she performed the music in the studio, she “could see the lawn chairs made by my daddy,” she recalled. “He never finished the ninth grade, and he could fix anything, which was fabulous.”

  Then she started singing the pensive child’s final line about the parents who provide so much love, “but will not ever tell me who I am.”

  At first Ms. Price faltered. Then she shifted to a higher key and sang the phrase tenderly, right to me.

 

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北京仍孤立於東亞?

accessed October 25, 2017

★此篇拙作共1,100字花3天2017.12.21-23寫成寄給聯合報。之後,再寄修成稿3次2017.12.23-24。
★此篇參考共61項資料(請見所附圖2),包括53份剪報掃描檔,和8份下載文字資料。
★拙作文字檔貼在下方。另有兩篇英文資料附在拙作下方:
-- Richard Heydarian, "China's Regional Isolation" Al Jazeera November 23, 2015
-- "China Scores Diplomatic Coup in Sea Row" Agence France-Presse August 7, 2017

敬請賜教。
林中斌 2017.12.25

北京仍孤立於東亞?
林中斌
名人堂稿件
日期:20171223 本文字數:1100 目標字數:1100

「中國在東亞被孤立…鄰居紛紛倒向美國尋求保護。」二○一五年十一月,菲律賓學者R.Heydarian投書半島電台寫道。
兩年後的今日,情況如何? 
●日本:鮮明抗中的首相安倍今年十一月,翻轉原來抵制態度,表示願意參與中國「一帶一路」建設,並力邀習近平明年訪日。當月底,派二百五十人的「聯合訪華團」擴大經濟交流。十二月四日,他稱中日對「一帶一路」可「大力合作」。
●新加坡:總理李顯龍九月下旬選擇先訪中再訪美,修補去年因李力挺不利北京的「南海仲裁案」而惡化的中新關係。早先六月,李一改之前冷淡態度,宣佈支持「一帶一路」。
●印度:今年六月,中印雙方軍隊於邊境洞朗地區開始對峙,八月結束。總理莫迪於九月三日上午,任命西塔拉曼女士為國防部長,取代號稱能打兩個半戰爭的前任,隨後於傍晚趕抵廈門參加習近平主持的「金磚五國峰會」。西塔拉曼十月七日前赴邊境,向中國軍隊合什問候並友好互動。八月底,印度邊防部隊開始要求士兵學會五、六十句中文,以避免雙方誤會並解決對抗。
●菲律賓:菲國為美國軍事同盟。其總統杜特蒂一六年六月底就任後,擱置同年七月公佈不利北京的「南海仲裁案」。這是他前任要求國際法庭審理的。他公開罵過美總統歐巴馬和美大使,已經兩次訪中。同年十一月,美國停售菲反恐用的步槍。他轉向中、俄求助。北京捐贈他兩批射程一公里的狙擊步槍,一七年五月他賴以收復伊斯蘭叛軍控制的菲國南部。同年二月,他要求中國軍艦協助打擊菲南部海盜,曾禁美國使用菲國港口,直到七月都不派駐美大使。
●緬甸:一一年,歐巴馬來訪,是歷史上首位訪緬的美國總統。美緬關係上升,中緬關係下降。同年,緬甸取消中國密松水壩計畫。西方力挺的民主鬥士昂山蘇姬,其政黨一五年贏得大選。她次年出任國務資政,相當於國家元首。之後,情形逆轉。至今她已兩次訪中,一次取消華府邀請。密松水壩計畫一六年恢復。一七年,她同意中國建造皎漂港,駐點印度洋。同年,她支持軍方鎮壓羅辛亞人民反抗,被美國譴責。而中國力挺她,並協助斡旋孟加拉協助解決問題。她更親中遠美。
●其他東協國家:一七年八月初,東盟外長會議達成「南海行為準則」架構。前述R. Heydarian認為:「這是中國外交大勝利。」英國南海專家B. Hayton表示:比起○二年的決議,這架構的文字有利中國甚多。對東協,北京的確下功夫。美國盟友泰國向它買潛艇。它幫印尼造高鐵。它也幫馬來西亞造高鐵,花四十億元美金承建皇京港。
●斯里蘭卡:本月初,漢班托港經營權移交中國。年初,新總理反對親中前總理所安排之本計劃,終於還是接受。
以上意料外變化原因為何?
●川普總統的「美國(國內)優先」政策令東亞國家不敢放心。
●北京的「支票外交」搭配「鬥而不破」的手段奏效。
東亞局勢板塊移動,台灣能不未雨綢繆?

作者為前華府喬治大學外交學院講座教授,曾任國防部副部長,甫發表新書《撥雲見日:破解台美中三方困局》

 

 

 

China's regional isolation
http://www.aljazeera.com/…/china-regional-isolation-1511221…accessed Dec. 20, 2017
ASEAN summit saw member countries pushing for a legally binding 'code of conduct' in the South China Sea as a way to constraint China's territorial assertiveness in the area, writes Heydarian [AP]
On the surface, China looks nothing short of an Asian juggernaut. It boasts Asia's biggest economy, having eclipsed Japan in the aftermath of the global financial crisis, and is poised to become the world's biggest in the near future.
It is already the world's largest trading power, having overtaken the United States in 2013. And within a relatively short period, China has emerged as a leading investor, particularly in the realm of infrastructure development, across the global south and beyond.
Unlike Japan, China is a comprehensive power, which isn't bedevilled by constitutional restrictions on the development of its offensive military capabilities. Flushed with cash and ambition, China has rapidly caught up with leading military powers, now boasting two operational fifth-generation jet fighters, an aircraft carrier, and sophisticated asymmetrical area-denial/anti-access (A2/AD) capabilities.

ASEAN summit leaders meet in Kuala Lumpur
No wonder then, that leading naval experts such as James Holmes have described China as "a near-peer [military] competitor vis-a-vis the United States" in East Asia.
And yet, one can't escape the impression that China is suffering increasing diplomatic isolation due to its aggressive manoeuvres across contested waters such as the South China Sea.
Not to mention that China's recent economic troubles, ranging from massive stock market crashes to declining manufacturing exports, have chipped away at its long-held image as a beacon of capitalist success.
Conscious of growing worries over China's economic health, Chinese President Xi Jinping, in his keynote speech during the APEC summit, was adamant that his country's economy is strong, resilient, and dynamic.
All of a sudden, China has been on the diplomatic back foot, while the US and its allies have been confidently pushing for greater regional unity to ensure freedom of navigation and maritime security in the Asia-Pacific region.
The elephant in the room
China's weakened regional position was evident during the recently concluded Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summits.
Without a doubt, China is expected to stand its ground and further consolidate its territorial claims in adjacent waters. But it is also clear that Beijing is no longer seen as a fully benign, peacefully rising power by many of its neighbours.

Confronting criticism over its territorial assertiveness in adjacent waters, China desperately sought to eliminate any multilateral discussion of the South China Sea disputes.
Fearful that the Philippines, this year's APEC host and China's rival claimant state, would use the event to diplomatically confront Beijing, Xi refused to confirm his participation until the 11th hour, and making it conditional on the host's agreement to brush aside the maritime disputes during the APEC summit.
Before Xi's highly anticipated visit, China dispatched Foreign Minister Wang Yi to Manila to warn the Philippines against embarrassing his boss. In effect, Beijing tried to influence the summit's agenda so that no dark shadow would be cast on its image.
To secure Xi's participation, and to bolster its credentials as a magnanimous host, Manila promised not to mention the disputes in the main agenda of APEC, and extended a warm welcome to the Chinese leader.
Allies chip-in
After all, Xi's visit would mark his first to the Southeast Asian country, potentially paving the way for the resuscitation of long-frozen high-level contacts between the two countries. As the leader of the second biggest economy in the Asia-Pacific region, Xi's presence was considered as essential to a successful APEC summit.
Though China managed to block any discussion of the disputes in the APEC's main statements, the Philippines did bring the issue to the fore in its bilateral engagements on the sidelines of the summit.
________________________________________
Shortly after landing in Manila, US President Barack Obama made a highly symbolic visit to the Philippines' flagship naval vessel BRP Gregorio del Pilar. He reiterated the United States' "ironclad commitment" to its alliance with the Philippines, pledging to donate two vessels and an increase in overall maritime security assistance to the country.
Both countries emphasised the centrality of freedom of navigation to regional security. For the US and its allies, China's massive reclamation activities and increased military presence across the South China Sea poses threats to freedom of navigation in one of the world's most important sea lines of communications.
Regional pushback
Vietnam, another maritime rival of China, also signed a strategic partnership agreement with the Philippines, which deepens diplomatic, legal, and naval cooperation between the two Southeast Asian countries against China. The new agreement was meant to signal to Beijing that its rivals in the South China Sea were forming a counter-alliance.
The Philippines signed a new military deal with Japan as well, another regional power that has been perturbed by China's maritime assertiveness. Under the latest deal, the Philippines is expected to benefit from greater military aid from and more regular joint naval exercises with Tokyo.
________________________________________
________________________________________
Other regional powers such as Australia, South Korea and even Russia, offered greater military assistance to the Philippines, which has been caught in a precarious maritime dispute with China.
Earlier this month, an anxious China went so far as sabotaging a high-level talk among regional defence ministers, the ASEAN Defence Minister Meeting-Plus, by refusing to sign up to a joint statement that would have covered the South China Sea disputes.

Yet, to China's dismay, the recently concluded ASEAN summit saw Southeast Asian foreign ministers pushing for a legally binding "code of conduct" in the South China Sea as a way to constraint China's territorial assertiveness in the area.
Without a doubt, China is expected to stand its ground and further consolidate its territorial claims in adjacent waters. But it is also clear that Beijing is no longer seen as a fully benign, peacefully rising power by many of its neighbours, who have increasingly gravitated towards the US as the supposed guarantor of regional security in Asia. (CPL
Ironically, the trend has overturned by December 2017)
Richard Javad Heydarian is a specialist in Asian geopolitical/economic affairs and author of Asia's New Battlefield: US, China, and the Struggle for Western Pacific.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.
SOURCE: AL JAZEERA

China scores diplomatic coup in sea row
Agence France-Presse / 07:07 AM August 07, 2017

http://globalnation.inquirer.net/…/china-scores-diplomatic-… accessed December 22, 2017

China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi speaks during a press conference on the sidelines of the 50th Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) regional security forum in Manila on August 6, 2017. AFP
China on Sunday scored a diplomatic coup in its campaign to weaken regional resistance against its sweeping claims to the South China Sea when Southeast Asian nations issued a diluted statement on the dispute and agreed to Beijing’s terms on talks.
After two days of tense meetings on the dispute in the Philippine capital, foreign ministers from the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) issued a joint communique that diplomats involved said was carefully worded to avoid angering China.
The release of the statement came shortly after the ministers met with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and agreed on a framework for conducting negotiations on the decades-long row that included key clauses advocated by China.
“This is an important outcome of our joint effort,” Wang told reporters as he celebrated the agreement.
China claims nearly all of the strategically vital sea, through which $5 trillion in annual shipping trade passes and is believed to sit atop vast oil and gas deposits.
Its sweeping claims overlap with those of Asean members Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei, as well as Taiwan.
China has dramatically expanded its presence in the contested areas in recent years by building giant artificial islands that could be used as military bases, raising concerns it will eventually establish de facto control over the waters.

Duterte thanks China again for its help during 5-month Marawi siege
In what two diplomats involved said was another victory for Beijing on Sunday, Asean members declined to say in their joint statement that the hoped-for code of conduct with China be “legally binding”.
Vietnam, the most determined critic of China on the issue, had insisted during two days of negotiations that Asean insist the code be legally binding, arguing otherwise it would be meaningless.
The Asean ministers failed to release the joint statement as expected after meeting on Saturday because of their differences on the sea issue, with Vietnam pushing for tougher language and Cambodia lobbying hard for China.
“Vietnam is adamant, and China is effectively using Cambodia to champion its interests,” one diplomat told AFP on Sunday as negotiations extended into overtime.
Consensus struggle
Tensions over the sea have long vexed Asean, which operates on a consensus basis but has had to balance the interests of rival claimants and those more aligned to China.
Critics of China have accused it of trying to divide Asean with strong-armed tactics and checkbook diplomacy, enticing smaller countries in the bloc such as Cambodia and Laos to support it.
The Philippines, under previous president Benigno Aquino, had been one of the most vocal critics of China and filed a case before a UN-backed tribunal.
The tribunal last year ruled China’s sweeping claims to the sea had no legal basis.
But China, despite being a signatory to the UN’s Convention on the Law of the Sea, ignored the ruling.
The Philippines, under new President Rodrigo Duterte, decided to play down the verdict in favour of pursuing warmer ties with Beijing. This in turn led to offers of billions of dollars in investments or aid from China.
“It’s clear that China’s pressure on individual Asean governments has paid off,” Bill Hayton, a South China Sea expert and associate fellow with the Asia Program at Chatham House in London, told AFP.
Hayton and other analysts said the agreement on a framework for talks on Sunday came 15 years after a similar document was signed committing the parties to begin negotiations.
The 2002 document was more strongly worded against China.
China used those 15 years to cement its claims, while continuing to get Asean to issue ever-weaker statements of opposition, according to the analysts.
“It would appear China has never lost in terms of seeing the language of Asean forum statements being toned down,” Ei Sun Oh, adjunct senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore, told AFP.
Philippine academic and security analyst Richard Heydarian expressed stronger sentiments as he summarized Sunday’s developments: “Overall it’s a slam dunk diplomatic victory for China”. CBB

 

 

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Christmas Party 2017. 一七聖誕趴。
Record-breaking 40 attendants.

 

 

 

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China’s PLA Air Force Raises Pressure on Taiwan

Jens Kastner Asiasentinel, December 12, 2017

https://www.asiasentinel.com/politics/china-pla-air-force-pressure-taiwan/

accessed December 13, 2017

●細膩的觀察和分析。文中指出:
--原來支持希拉蕊的"民進黨左翼"媒體現在批評川普,而民進黨政府國防花費又不足3%使川普不悅。此發展置蔡英文政府於兩難的 困境。因為蔡政府需要川普支持台灣對抗北京。

林中斌 2017.12.13

 

 

 

  In the latest of an increasing number of close calls, the Chinese pilot of a H-6K strategic bomber set off alarms on Taiwan’s air defense identification zone off the island’s southern coast on Dec. 7, buzzing a scrambled Taiwanese F-16 fighter jet and radioing the pilot to get lost.

  The PLA Air Force has increased its incursions into Taiwan’s air defense zone in the second half of this year, with the Taiwanese military confirming five such forays in less than two months since the conclusion of China’s 19th Communist Party Congress in late October, where President Xi Jinping in his opening speech offered what was called by the Foreign Policy Research Institute an “exercise in chest thumping and minor sabre rattling over Taiwan.”

  Prior to the Dec. 7 snub, intercepted by a Taiwanese amateur radio operator and published by Taiwan’s Apple Daily, mid-air encounters between the two sides had been relatively polite in tone, with the Chinese pilots often addressing the Taiwanese as “compatriots” despite serious political tensions.

  The incident is regarded on the island as the latest indicator that the cross-strait military relation is entering a new and frightening era.

  “PLA Air Force flights through the Miyako Strait and down the east side of Taiwan are serious war preparation exercises, and operations on the east side of Taiwan are required in order to impose an air and naval blockade that would precede an invasion,” said Rick Fisher, a cross-strait military expert at the International Assessment and Strategy Center, in an interview with Asia Sentinel.

 

  “It is very necessary for Taiwan to continually challenge such PLA exercises to demonstrate resolve and to publicize China’s essential hostility to a free Taiwan,” he added.

  It is not only the changing tone and the increased frequency of PLA drills that alarm the Taiwanese but also way these drills are conducted.

  Signaling that things are turning much more serious, Ilyushin Il-78 aerial refueling planes were recently added to the formations, allowing the PLA’s Sukhoi Su-30 fighter jets to escort PLA bombers as far as to Hawaii.

  Another noteworthy change is that the formations have now begun taking off from further away in the Chinese hinterland, making them more difficult to detect by Taiwan’s early warning systems.

  The increased airborne threat is magnified by a growing seaborne one, as reflected by China’s first aircraft carrier, the Liaoning, and its accompanying convoy in late 2016 for the first time completing a voyage circling Taiwan and continuing to operate frequently near the island.

  According to Chen Ching-Chang, a Taiwan-born political scientist at Japan’s Ryukoku University, the PLA’s aircraft still cannot stay in eastern Taiwan’s air space for too long, and it remains risky for the aircraft carrier Liaoning to operate beyond the first-island chain. The PLA’s activities are as much about getting familiar with the area as about applying pressure on the administration of Taiwanese president Tsai Ing-wen of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which still refuses to accept the “One China” principle.

  “The fact that these activities to surround Taiwan stopped during the 19th Party Congress and the APEC and East Asia Summit meetings, which overlapped with [US President] Trump’s trip to Asia, means that they were driven more by the political motive of teaching Taipei a lesson than by the need of regular training,” Chen said.

  He added that Japan, whose Self-Defense Forces have from April 2016 to March 2017 themselves scrambled a whopping 851 times for intercepting PLA aircraft, “would not be quiet about that” if the Japanese government had not lately been preoccupied with North Korean nuclear weapons and missile development.

  John F Copper, a US political scientist and Taiwan expert, for his part noted that Taiwan’s scrambling of F-16s amid the recent PLA activities looks like a weak response to most, with the media reporting that China’s purpose in sending the Liaoning around Taiwan was to warn the DPP about supporting independence. 

  “It accentuates the fact that, contrary to what President Tsai and DPP leaders say, Taiwan will not decide its future,” Copper said. “The US will as only it prevents China from taking the island, which it could do easily according to recent studies and computer modelling.” 

  Copper went on arguing that the recent PLA activities also create a less obvious dilemma for President Tsai and what he calls “the left-of-center DPP,” as they supported Hillary Clinton in the US presidential race in 2016 but are now finding themselves completely relying on President Donald Trump.

  The pro-DPP media reports a lot of anti-Trump news and opinions, Copper said, suggesting that Trump is no doubt not pleased about this and is unhappy about Taiwan not living up to promises it has made to the US about spending 3 percent of its GDP on the island’s defenses.

  “PLA activities are a lot more frightening in Taiwan in view of this situation,” Copper said.

 

 

 

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Dalai Lama: Our Future Is Very Much in Our Hands

When we’re angry, our judgment is one-sided, as we aren’t able to take all aspects of the situation into account. With a calm mind, we can reach a fuller view of whatever circumstances we face.

憤怒讓我們誤判。因為憤怒下 ,我們看不到所有相關方面。

Compassion enhances our calm and self-confidence, allowing our marvelous human intelligence to function unhindered. Empathy is hard-wired in our genes — studies have shown that babies as young as 4 months experience it.

不關心別人,我們不會快樂。因為我們基因裡已有關心他人的遺傳。科學家證明4個月的嬰兒已經呈現如此特質。

林中斌試簡譯文句 2017.12.13

https://mobile.nytimes.com/2017/12/01/opinion/dalai-lama-despair-future.html?referer=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com.tw%2F

 

  This is an article from Turning Points, a magazine that explores what critical moments from this year might mean for the year ahead.

 

  A crack in a floating ice shelf in Antarctica reached its breaking point and calved a huge iceberg, setting it afloat in the seas. It’s a fitting image for a world that feels under pressure and on the verge of, well, everything — ready to break off and set itself free. The global political temperature is on the rise, the future of truth is under debate and the specter of nuclear conflict hovers. We asked His Holiness the Dalai Lama for his thoughts on how to cope.

 

  We are facing a time of great uncertainty and upheaval in many corners of our planet. When it comes to making the world a better place, concern for others is tantamount.

 

  Our future is very much in our hands. Within each of us exists the potential to contribute positively to society. Although one individual among so many on this planet may seem too insignificant to have much of an effect on the course of humanity, it is our personal efforts that will determine the direction our society is heading.

 

  Wherever I go, I consider myself just one of 7 billion human beings alive today. We share a fundamental wish: We all want to live a happy life, and that is our birthright. There is no formality when we’re born, and none when we die. In between, we should treat each other as brother and sister because we share this commonality — a desire for peace and contentment.

 

 

  TENZIN CHOEJOR / OFFICE OF HIS HOLINESS THE DALAI LAMA

  Sadly, we face all sorts of problems, many of them of our own making. Why? Because we are swayed by emotions like selfishness, anger and fear.

 

  One of the most effective remedies for dealing with such destructive patterns of thought is to cultivate “loving-kindness” by thinking about the oneness of all the world’s 7 billion humans. If we consider the ways in which we are all the same, the barriers between us will diminish.

 

  Compassion enhances our calm and self-confidence, allowing our marvelous human intelligence to function unhindered. Empathy is hard-wired in our genes — studies have shown that babies as young as 4 months experience it. Research has shown again and again that compassion leads to a successful and fulfilling life. Why, then, do we not focus more on cultivating it into adulthood? When we’re angry, our judgment is one-sided, as we aren’t able to take all aspects of the situation into account. With a calm mind, we can reach a fuller view of whatever circumstances we face.

 

  Humanity is rich in the diversity that naturally arose from the wide expanse of our world, from the variety of languages and ways of writing to our different societal norms and customs. However, when we overemphasize race, nationality, faith, or income or education level, we forget our many similarities. We want a roof over our heads and food in our bellies, to feel safe and secure, and for our children to grow and be strong. As we seek to preserve our own culture and identity, we must also remember that we are one in being human, and work to maintain our warmheartedness toward all.

 

 

  In the last century, the inclination to solve problems through the use of force was invariably destructive and perpetuated conflict. If we are to make this century a period of peace, we must resolve problems through dialogue and diplomacy. Since our lives are so intertwined, the interests of others are also our own. I believe that adopting divisive attitudes runs counter to those interests.

 

  Our interdependence comes with advantages and pitfalls. Although we benefit from a global economy and an ability to communicate and know what is happening worldwide instantaneously, we also face problems that threaten us all. Climate change in particular is a challenge that calls us more than ever to make a common effort to defend the common good.

 

  For those who feel helpless in the face of insurmountable suffering, we are still in the early years of the 21st century. There is time for us to create a better, happier world, but we can’t sit back and expect a miracle. We each have actions we must take, by living our lives meaningfully and in service to our fellow human beings — helping others whenever we can and making every effort to do them no harm.

 

  Tackling destructive emotions and practicing loving-kindness isn’t something we should be doing with the next life, heaven or nirvana in mind, but how we should live in the here and now. I am convinced we can become happier individuals, happier communities and a happier humanity by cultivating a warm heart, allowing our better selves to prevail.

 

  The 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, is the spiritual leader of Tibet and a recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize. Since 1959 he has lived in exile in Dharamsala, in northern India.

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東方快車謀殺案 (2017新版)

Murder on the Orient Express (2017):

Intellectually enticing and spiritually enlightening

故事引人入勝 ,精神令人上昇

a first-rate entertainment, highly recommended

一級娛樂 高度推薦

 

                                                                             Chong-Pin Lin 2017.12.11, two weeks before Christmas

"The scale of justice cannot always be evenly weighted. We must live with the imbalance and peace"

正義的天平無法永遠保持平衡。我們必須要與不平衡共存以保持和平。

so said detective Hercule Poirot toward the end of the film to all the suspects of the murder on the Oriental Express who sit at a long table just as the disciples of Jesus Christ did in the painting "Last Supper" by Leonardo da Vinci.

這是巴羅探長在電影將結束時,對所有東方列車上謀殺案的險疑犯所說的話。

How apt a statement, I thought, on the social agitation caused by the arduous pursuit of "transitional justice" in today's Taiwan. If a society pursues justice relentlessly in a reality that is more than just black and white and, as a result, sacrifices peace and harmony.

This is the best performance of Kenneth Branagh as simultaneous film director and lead actor since his award winning "Henry V" in 1989 when he was 29, the same age as king Henry V during the tide-turning Battle of Agincourt where the British soldiers after crossing the British Channel defeated the French in 1415.

In between 1989 and 2017, I must say, Branah had no lack of disappointing performances both as actor and director.

The noble and chivalristic spirit that underpins the intriguing detective story is, to me, nostalgically missing in the 21st century.

這個引人入勝的電影故事夾帶了高貴而俠義的精神,真是21世紀裡令人深刻懷念的過往美景。

It is no small feat for a detective story to be moving as it conveys with subtlety the spirit of forgiveness.

不簡單的是偵探故事居然還能以含蓄的寬恕精神感動人心。

Agatha Christie enhanced an intellectually challenging "whodunit" with an elevating philosophical inquiry on judging good versus evil/right versus wrong. That too is a preciously rare scenery in today's movie landscape.

The cinematography of the train going through the snow-capped mountains is gorgeously breathtaking, a feast to the eye and the soul.

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兩岸破冰的往例

accessed November 22, 2017

 

兩岸破冰的往例
林中斌
名人堂稿件
日期:20171118 本文字數:1100 目標字數:1100

「九二…歷史事實」。

中共十九大習近平政治報告選擇了這六字與去年五二○蔡英文總統就職演說重疊,似乎為兩岸「開展對話」撬開一縫空隙。然而習提「共識」,蔡提「諒解」。大多認為阻礙「蔡習會」的文字鴻溝不可跨越。難道「共識」與「諒解」的差異如此深廣嗎?歷史或可點亮目前困境下的昏暗。

一九九五年六月九日,我李前總統登輝赴美母校康乃爾講演,提「中華民國」十七次。北京認為我方搞「兩個中國」,極度不滿。

九五年六月十六日,北京海協會來函我方海基會中止兩岸協商及全面兩岸政府互動。我方持續呼籲恢復對話,超過兩年半,無效。北京堅持我方必須正式公開承認「一個中國」。

九八年二月廿日,當時行政院蕭萬長院長在立法院第三屆第五會期施政報告中說:「只要有助於海峽兩岸和平發展以及國家民主統一的議題,均可以一步步提出來展開溝通和對話…」

他並沒有提到「一個中國」。但四天後,似乎迫不及待,北京海協會來函我方海基會,文情並茂:同意兩岸恢復政治談判,兩會恢復交流,歡迎我方代表海基會董事長辜振甫「來訪」。兩岸超過兩年半冰封的僵局溶解了。九八年十月,辜先生赴上海與對口海協會董事長汪道涵共續九三年四月新加坡首度見面之前緣。

九八年二月廿日,我方並未如北京堅持的擁抱「一個中國」,而北京同意兩岸中止僵局。原因為何?對今日兩岸僵局的意涵為何?

 

●江澤民固權:九四年九月,中共第十四屆三中全會。鄧小平決定趁在世時讓江澤民成為實質第三代領導人,以避免毛澤東至死才放手引發的政權動盪。九五年,江權威備受內部黨軍挑戰。九五年一月,江大膽丟出「江八點」,對兩岸有所憧憬,引發內部異議。九七年二月,鄧小平過世。十月,中共十五大,江澤民權威上升,風光訪美,已非吳下阿蒙。

●北京新考量:九七年十一月台灣縣市長選舉,民進黨大勝。綠色人口首度超過全國總人口的七十趴。北京內部認為兩年多來杯葛兩岸互動使台灣人民與「祖國」漸行漸遠,不利「統一大業」。此兩岸冷凍政策應予調整。

●台北持重謹慎:九五/九六年兩岸飛彈危機之後,台北的大陸政策穩重。九六年二月新任命的陸委會主委張京育富國際視野力主「趨吉避凶」,持續呼籲兩岸恢復協商。台北政府對改善兩岸關係,上下口徑一致。

●華府穿梭:九八年一月,美前國防部長裴利率團赴北京見江澤民,關心兩岸何時復談。江說: 「去問汪道涵。」裴利一行南赴杭州見汪。汪說:「願復談。」裴利率團來台北見有關官員及總統,傳遞對岸願復談之訊息。這鋪陳了二月廿日蕭院長發言及廿四日海協會回應的有利背景。

 

以上往例對破解今日兩岸僵局的意涵有四:
●文字非障礙,雙方意願是關鍵。

●北京領導固權,有助開啟兩岸新局。

●台北政府兩岸立場,謹慎一致,亦然。

●有效高層管道實屬必要。

作者為前華府喬治大學外交學院講座教授,曾任國防部副部長,甫發表新書《撥雲見日:破解台美中三方困局》

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十九大後北京對台新作為

accessed December 8, 2017

12月7日下午5點有媒體電話訪問我有關今日共軍軍機接近我防空識別區並嗆我戰機飛行員之事。
以下是在下所說:

1.19大之後,北京對台軟硬兩手持續并進。
2.軟硬兩手的方式種類各自都增加。
3.軟手特色是"操之在他"。硬手特色是"可否認性"。
4.軟的新方案包括
- 2020前福建省將招募2,000台灣教授/教員。
- 國際上陸商企業機會將與台商共享。
- 台灣首次赴陸旅客每人將得3,000人民幣資助。
5. 硬的包括
- 軍機繞台的新路線、參與戰機數字、繞台運 作新行為如語言。
- 邦交國的新狀況,如帛流、梵蒂岡、多明尼加?、海地?。
北京不會承認對台施壓之意圖。軍機繞台可說是例行演習不針對任何一方。外交運作可說是他方要求。但對台灣人民心理 壓力之效果是真實的。
6. 這些軟硬作為之目的何在? 北京不會說。看來是逐漸轉變台灣多數的民意。
7. 其意涵是: 習近平認為對台北政府施壓或施惠效果有限。這是總結江澤民、胡錦濤多年對台政策成效的評估。因此,或許更有效的是直接對台灣人民的軟硬兩手的作為,希望由轉變台灣多數民意,影響台北政府。最近台灣本土媒體之微妙向現實主義的調整或許讓北京覺得其新對台做為值得持續施行。
8. 習近平其他對台的作為是間接的:轉變東亞原親美各國微調傾向北京,以及與美合作超過矛盾,限制華府挺台之程度。

以上淺見,敬請賜教。
林中斌 2017.12.7 (2017.12.8增修)

 

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本土言論新趨勢

accessed November 23, 2017

2017.11.22《自由時報》重要的第二版(A2)社論,出現以往沒有的言論:
●對本土執政的困境不掩飾
●對台灣一向自傲的民主自由不樂觀
●對台灣人認同衰退的民調不否認
這社論延續過去數周《自由時報》言論及報導的新趨勢。

以下為社論中的文句:
●「民主老大哥卻對專制老大哥推崇備至,連外孫女也成為討好天朝的表演者。」
●「過去西方國家所主導,講的是民主自由人權;如今中國經濟崛起,主題變成市場與工廠。」
●「本國的民主自由人權,無助於企業對外開拓」
●「當台灣人民以融入普世價值為榮之際,先進國家卻已琵琶別抱中國的市場與工廠,連台灣的商界也有人宣稱民主不能當飯吃。」
●「所謂的窮台政策不可忽視;而本土政權執政,台灣人認同反顯衰退,赴中就業則成統戰重點。歷史走到這一步,嚴厲考驗似乎才要開始」
敬請卓參。

 

 

《自由時報社論》世界最大的民主國家?
2017-11-22 06:00下載2017.11.23
http://talk.ltn.com.tw/article/paper/1153891 

中共機關報「求是」稱:「中國才是世界最大的民主國家」。這樣的一個命題,很多人聽起來都覺得非常刺耳。不過,此話在中國被堂堂皇皇講出來,也不能簡簡單單地當笑話看,相反地,大家不妨透過此一現象深入解讀,到底世界範圍內的民主發生了什麼變化,以至於一個建國以來便打壓民主不遺餘力的政權,竟然在此時此刻出現「中國才是世界最大的民主國家」的「中國強話語」?


首先,此一「中國強話語」出現在川普訪中之後。習近平在紫禁城待客,至少表面上是賓主盡歡,川普甚至還讚美東道主是個「令人尊敬且強而有力的人民代表」。事實上,這位東道主才折磨死一位諾貝爾和平獎得主,而且對民運、維權毫不手軟,甚乃對周邊國家不斷秀肌肉。儘管如此,民主老大哥卻對專制老大哥推崇備至,連外孫女也成為討好天朝的表演者。國際體制,過去西方國家所主導,講的是民主自由人權;如今中國經濟崛起,主題變成市場與工廠。西方的民主國家,面對東方的開發獨裁國家,已少有領導人願意為抽象的普世價值,犧牲本國的具體經濟利益。於是,中國有市場與工廠,西方國家的領導人也就紛紛從政治人轉型成生意人了。政治人加上生意人的複合角色,川普與習近平的交往模式開創了東西國家的互動新模式,豈偶然哉?


事實上,這位東道主(習近平)才折磨死一位諾貝爾和平獎得主(劉曉波),而且對民運、維權毫不手軟,甚乃對周邊國家不斷秀肌肉。(美聯社)


問題的濫觴,其實不在川普,也不在現任的西方領導人,而是全球化的跨世紀轉變。鄧小平啟動的經濟改革,恰好銜接西方國家的全球化浪潮,原本西方對中國的盤算放在,打開竹幕的市場與工廠,進而促使和平演變,最後以資本主義的勝利作為劇終,一如蘇東波共產政權垮台。但這樣的盤算,很快就證明是西方的誤判。一九八九,天安門屠殺,西方對中國的經濟制裁,在爾虞我詐之下其實是光說不練。蘇東波,西方國家看到勝利的捷報;然而,當時中國的「有識之士」便決定不能步其後塵。這批人主要是當年的太子黨,也就是中共革命元老的政軍經二代。而習近平,正好是這樣的政軍經二代,豈偶然哉?


全球化行進至今,已出現不以設計者的意志為轉移的景觀,那就是,跨國企業變成沒有邊界的國家,他們可以跟民主的、專制的、野蠻的政府密切合作,獲得最大的商業擴張,從而回過頭來影響本國的政策。於是,本國的民主自由人權,無助於企業對外開拓,他們卻有辦法阻止本國政府干涉他國政治迫害。以故,新興國家的經濟無法拉動民主,例如中國經濟快速崛起,民主自由人權卻進入史無前例的黑暗期。北京,成為做生意的空間,而不是談普世價值的場域。習近平,所到之處不會受到干涉內政的尷尬,反而處處受到經貿與商業合作的探尋。市場、工廠、特許,取代了民主、自由、人權。這就是「中國強話語」的背景,不是嗎?


不論好惡,這是一個新的世界變局。半個世紀以來,台灣在西方國家的普世價值要求下,逐步走向今天的民主自由人權國度。令人遺憾的是,當台灣人民以融入普世價值為榮之際,先進國家卻已琵琶別抱中國的市場與工廠,連台灣的商界也有人宣稱民主不能當飯吃。也許,這是西方金融資本主義的自我反噬,經濟與金融危機層出不窮,貪婪資本主義搞得勞民傷財,從而賦予中國這種極大規模的開發獨裁新的價值。「中國才是世界最大的民主國家」,Money talks


而這,為台灣帶來了新挑戰。台灣要維護主權獨立現狀,要維護民主自由人權,要經濟成長與國際經貿,全球化也不可完全沒有中國這塊拼圖,這些內涵互相衝突的價值與行動,造成了近年來台灣的民主躁動,離中國太近也不安,離中國太遠也不利。在這樣的情況下,台灣的民主會產生什麼實踐動態?台灣對外簽署貿易協定,頻遭中國從中作梗,自由市場原則走樣,所謂的窮台政策不可忽視;而本土政權執政,台灣人認同反顯衰退,赴中就業則成統戰重點。歷史走到這一步,嚴厲考驗似乎才要開始;時代正在考驗台灣的執政者,台灣的執政者能創造新的時代嗎?

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學習曲線正加速發展

accessed November 20, 2017

-- 急獨緩獨一年來少了7%。這是2017.11.20 聯合報發表的最新民調。

-- 這是"藍色偏見"嗎?若注意到蔡總統9/24正視中國崛起的發言,和自由時報最近出現前所未見的社論、報導、和言論,恐怕很難如此判定。

--自從9/24蔡總統公開以民進黨領袖身份呼籲正視"中國的崛起", 台灣人民對去年520後我政府兩岸政策的走向連續表達之前未見的看法。

-- 自由時報 已有三篇令人耳目一新的社論、報導、及評論。 (更冷血現實的看兩岸實力的對比、看兩岸國際力量的對比、有勇氣表達台獨無望論)

-- 這就是趨勢發展的"潛流" 和"轉棙點"。

林中斌 2017.11.20

 

 

 

 

 

 

●2017.9.24蔡總統:
「中國的崛起,是現在全世界所有國家,都必須謹慎面對的趨勢,情緒式的仇恨,或者一味地討好,都無法誠實正視中國的崛起和發展。」

●2017.10.28社論 自由時報A2:
「台灣的頭家也要自問:堅持台灣主權獨立國家,遭到中國以蠻力無情欺壓,而導致國家尊嚴受挫、國計民生連帶受損,大家願意概括承受那些窮台力道嗎?」

●2017.11.5鍾麗華/台北報導,自由時報 A2:
「政府高層透露...雖說現在多明尼加是穩住了,但也是暫時的,'老實說,如果對方出重手,我們根本沒辦法。」

●2017.11.5 李中志/美國伊利諾州立大學教授、北美台灣人教授協會會長,自由時報 A14:
「民調也顯示,純粹的台灣人認同自二○一四達到高點以來,三年之間已掉了四%,而雙重認同則增加了四%,這不是警訊嗎?
我們也許能看到加泰隆尼亞獨立運動的無奈,但我們沒有看到自己,我們自認聰明高喊兩地不同,恐怕只是自我安慰。...如果漸漸地多數台灣人希望成為中國的自治區,那麼也只能這樣了。」

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