林中斌 部落格 / Blog Chong-Pin Lin

European Union Committee 7th Report of Session 2009-10

標題: Don't Break the Engagement.

作者： Economy, Elizabeth, Foreign Affairs, 00157120, May/Jun2004, 卷 83, 刊號 3

Don't Break the Engagement

 

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STAYING THE COURSE ON CHINA

AFTER ALMOST three years of calm, the American debate over China policy is set to heat up again. Like Bill Clinton, George W. Bush came into office pushing for a tougher approach to Beijing. And like his predecessor, Bush soon changed his tune. But if the Clinton administration's shift reflected a deep-rooted embrace of the logic of engagement, the Bush administration's shift has appeared more tactical, reflecting a realist appreciation for alliances of convenience during times of crisis. Now that the initial and most urgent phases of the war on terrorism have passed, China policy is likely to find its way back onto the agenda of hard-liners who consider the country a strategic competitor. They are likely to be joined by those who think that tough talk about trade deficits and China's human rights violations makes for good campaign politics. With the bilateral trade deficit now at $120 billion, Beijing's reported backsliding on human rights, and its heavy-handed diplomacy with Hong Kong and Taiwan, 2004 could be a banner year for the critics of engagement. Yet a return to China bashing and to a strategy of containment would be a mistake. The past 30 years have demonstrated that engagement works--if not exactly in the way its advocates predicted

標題: China's Search for Stability With America.

作者： Wang Jisi, Foreign Affairs, 00157120, Sep/Oct2005, 卷 84, 刊號 5

China's Search for Stability With America

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AFTER 9/11

THE UNITED STATES is currently the only country with the capacity and the ambition to exercise global primacy, and it will remain so for a long time to come. This means that the United States is the country that can exert the greatest strategic pressure on China. Although in recent years Beijing has refrained from identifying Washington as an adversary or criticizing its "hegemonism"--a pejorative Chinese code word for U.S. dominance--many Chinese still view the United States as a major threat to their nation's security and domestic stability.

標題: China's New Diplomacy.
作者： Medeiros, Evan S., Fravel, M. Taylor, Foreign Affairs, 00157120, Nov/Dec2003, 卷 82, 刊號

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China's New Diplomacy

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VICTIM NO MORE

THIS SUMMER, as the nuclear crisis in North Korea intensified, most eyes were focused on the adversaries in Washington and Pyongyang.

Less noticed, but no less important, was the role of a third player: Beijing. China, long reticent on matters of foreign policy, had boldly stepped into the fray, suspending crucial oil shipments to North Korea, sending high-level envoys to Pyongyang, and shifting troops around the Sino-Korean border. It was China that arranged the tripartite talks held in Beijing in April. And China has not let up the pressure since.

標題: China Takes Off.

作者： Hale, David, Hughes Hale, Lyric, Foreign Affairs, 00157120, Nov/Dec2003, 卷 82, 刊號 6

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China Takes Off

CHINA'S ECONOMIC EXPLOSION

FEW NATIONS have changed as fast--or as dramatically--as China has since the 1970s. The world's most populous nation has radically liberalized its economy and gone from producing low-quality and simple exports to sophisticated high-technology goods, while nurturing a vibrant private sector and attracting nearly $500 billion in foreign direct investment (FDI). The country has turned into a formidable exporting machine: China's total exports grew eightfold--to over $380 billion--between 1990 and 2003; and its exports in the electronics industry now account for 30 percent of Asia's total in that sector. China's share of global exports will reach 6 percent in 2003, compared to 3.9 percent in 2000. Last year, China accounted for 16 percent of the growth in the world economy, ranking second only to the United States.

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標題: The New New World Order.

作者： Drezner, Daniel W., Foreign Affairs, 00157120, Mar/Apr2007, 卷 86, 刊號 2HTML 全文

The New New World Order

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RISING AND FALLING

 

THROUGHOUT THE twentieth century, the list of the world's great powers was predictably short: the United States, the Soviet Union, Japan, and northwestern Europe. The twenty-first century will be different. China and India are emerging as economic and political heavyweights: China holds over a trillion dollars in hard currency reserves, India's high-tech sector is growing by leaps and bounds, and both countries, already recognized nuclear powers, are developing blue-water navies. The National Intelligence Council, a U.S. government think tank, projects that by 2025, China and India will have the world's second- and fourth-largest economies, respectively. Such growth is opening the way for a multipolar era in world politics.

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Chong-Pin Lin ✽ 林中斌

Revision: December 13, 2008  (Original: September 30, 2005)

Foreign Affairs; Mar/Apr2004, Vol. 83 Issue 2, p39-49, 11p, 1 bw

STRAIT TALK

      ON DECEMBER 9, 2003, in the presence of visiting Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, President George W. Bush broke significant new ground in

      U.S. relations with China and Taiwan. Having pledged in April 200l to do "whatever it takes" to help Taiwan defend itself, Bush changed tack, reaffirming U.S. support for maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. Of even greater significance, he rebuked Taiwan's president, Chen Shui-bian, stating that "the comments and actions made by the leader of Taiwan indicate that he may be willing to make decisions unilaterally to change the status quo, which we oppose."

"9·11"事件后的国际形勢和中美關係

錢其琛 外交學院學報 2002卷第3期 pp.1-6

    一年前，美国发生了"9·11"事件。这标志着恐怖主义已经成为美国最大的威胁，也成为人类安全的重大威胁。一些国家拥有强大的武力，可以应付高科技的战争，但恐怖分子却运用最简单的手段造成巨大灾难。对这种威胁，无论是导弹还是导弹防御系统都无济于事。
　　
    冷战结束以来，美国政府一直在讨论冷战后的主要敌人在哪里的问题。"9·11"事件之后，这个问题明朗了。敌人不是远在天边，而是在家门口，甚至就在萧墙之内。这就引起人们安全观念的变化。正是在这种背景下，今年以来，大国关系缓和趋势明显。以美俄、俄－北约关系调整及中美关系的改善为标志，主要大国间形成了“大战要避免、和平需维持”的共识，并尝试进行新的对话与合作，以对付新的挑战。

陳水扁政府的大陸政策與大陸的因應之道

丁松泉 聯合早報 2002年03月15日